{"id":9263,"date":"2017-06-27T22:37:16","date_gmt":"2017-06-28T00:37:16","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/lki.lt\/?p=9263"},"modified":"2017-06-27T22:37:16","modified_gmt":"2017-06-28T00:37:16","slug":"archivum-lithuanicum-16","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lki.lt\/en\/archivum-lithuanicum-16\/","title":{"rendered":"Archivum Lithuanicum 16"},"content":{"rendered":"

This page is only available in Lietuvi\u0173<\/a>. <\/p>

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

Klaip\u0117dos universitetas
\nLietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas
\n\u0160iauli\u0173 universitetas
\nUniversity of Illinois at Chicago
\nVilniaus universitetas<\/p>\n

Vytauto Did\u017eiojo universitetas<\/p>\n

Archivum Lithuanicum<\/em><\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas
\nP. Vilei\u0161io g. 5
\nLT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva<\/p>\n

El. pa\u0161tas \/ e-mail:\u00a0subacius@uic.edu<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

ARCHIVUM LITHUANICUM 16<\/strong>\u00a0(5 MB, PDF)\u00a0<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

[\/vc_column_text][vc_tta_tabs][vc_tta_section title=”Redaktori\u0173 kolegija \/ Editorial Board:” tab_id=”1498607887809-7b01086b-7dec6ad8-25fa”][vc_column_text]Prof. habil. dr. GIEDRIUS SUBA\u010cIUS (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

(vyriausiasis redaktorius \/ editor),<\/p>\n

University of Illinois at Chicago,<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr. BIRUT\u0116 TRI\u0160KAIT\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

(vyriausiojo redaktoriaus pavaduotoja \/ assistant editor),<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas, Vilniussan<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Habil. dr. ONA ALEKNAVI\u010cIEN\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas, Vilnius<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. habil. dr. ROMA BON\u010cKUT\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Klaip\u0117dos universitetas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. dr. PIETRO U. DINI (kalbotyra \/ linguistics),<\/p>\n

Universit\u00e0 di Pisa<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. habil. dr. JOLANTA GELUMBECKAIT\u0116 (kalbotyra \/<\/p>\n

linguistics),<\/p>\n

Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universit\u00e4t Frankfurt am Main<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr . REDA GRI\u0160KAIT\u0116 (istorija \/ history),<\/p>\n

Lietuvos istorijos institutas, Vilnius<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Doc. dr. BIRUT\u0116 KABA\u0160INSKAIT\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Vilniaus universitetas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. habil. dr. R\u016aTA PETRAUSKAIT\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Vytauto Did\u017eiojo universitetas, Kaunas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. habil. dr. BRONIUS MASKULI\u016aNAS (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

\u0160iauli\u0173 universitetas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Doc. dr. JURGIS PAKERYS (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Vilniaus universitetas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Habil. dr. CHRISTIANE SCHILLER (kalbotyra \/ linguistics),<\/p>\n

Humboldt-Universit\u00e4t zu Berlin<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Prof. dr. WILLIAM R. SCHMALSTIEG (kalbotyra \/ linguistics),<\/p>\n

Pennsylvania State University, University College<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr. MINDAUGAS \u0160INK\u016aNAS (kalbotyra \/ linguistics),<\/p>\n

Vilniaus universitetas,<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas, Vilnius<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr. AURELIJA TAMO\u0160I\u016aNAIT\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Vytauto Did\u017eiojo universitetas, Kaunas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Dr. JURGITA VENCKIEN\u0116 (filologija \/ philology),<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 kalbos institutas, Vilnius[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”TURINYS (CONTENTS)” tab_id=”1498607887862-09167218-b76a6ad8-25fa”][vc_column_text]Archivum Lithuanicum 16<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Straipsniai (Articles)<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Mindaugas \u0160ink\u016bnas<\/em><\/p>\n

Ma\u017eosios Lietuvos ra\u0161t\u0173 ortografijos reforma XVII am\u017eiuje.<\/p>\n

I. Pu\u010diam\u0173j\u0173 priebalsi\u0173 ir afrikat\u0173 \u017eym\u0117jimas<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ona Aleknavi\u010dien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Ar Martynas Ma\u017evydas buvo vyskupas?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ona Aleknavi\u010dien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Martyno Ma\u017evydo ir Baltramiejaus Vilento para\u0161ai<\/p>\n

1554 met\u0173 Pr\u016bsijos Ba\u017eny\u010dios generalinio sinodo dokumentuose<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Vincentas Drotvinas, Birut\u0117 Tri\u0161kait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Archyviniai duomenys apie Jacobo Neukircho<\/p>\n

lietuvi\u0161k\u0105 Biblij\u0105 ir \u017eodyn\u0105<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Wolfgang Hock<\/em><\/p>\n

Untersuchungen zu Dauk\u0161as Postille \u2013<\/p>\n

II.\u00a0Doppelakzentuierungen<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Giedrius Suba\u010dius<\/em><\/p>\n

Pirmasis Simono Daukanto ra\u0161ybos l\u016b\u017eis (1827\u20131828):<\/p>\n

raid\u0117 \u2039y\u203a, garsas [\u1eb9], diakritikai ir geminatos<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Jurgita Venckien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Antano Baranausko lietuvi\u0173 bendrin\u0117s kalbos teorija:<\/p>\n

pri\u0117mimas \u017demai\u010di\u0173 kunig\u0173 seminarijoje<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Daiva Sinkevi\u010di\u016bt\u0117<\/em>,\u00a0<\/em>Veslava Ra\u010dickaja<\/em><\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 dvikamieni\u0173 vard\u0173 kilm\u0117s asmenvard\u017eiai ir j\u0173 kamien\u0173<\/p>\n

u\u017era\u0161ymo ypatyb\u0117s Vilniaus nauj\u0173j\u0173 miestie\u010di\u0173 ir laiduotoj\u0173<\/p>\n

1661\u20131795 met\u0173 s\u0105ra\u0161e<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Alma Ragauskait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Lietuvoje sudarytas rankra\u0161tinis tikrini\u0173 vard\u0173 registras<\/p>\n

(apie 1840\u20131843)<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Danguol\u0117 Valan\u010d\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Nekaitomas \u017eodis\u00a0b\u016btent<\/em><\/p>\n

XVI\u2013XVII am\u017eiaus lietuvi\u0161kuose ra\u0161tuose<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Publikacijos (Publications)<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Sondra Rankelien\u0117<\/em>,\u00a0<\/em>Indr\u0117 Saudargien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Devynios lietuvi\u0161kos XVII\u2013XIX am\u017eiaus marginalijos<\/p>\n

Vilniaus universiteto bibliotekoje<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Recenzijos (Reviews)<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Arthur Hermann<\/em><\/p>\n

Rezension von: Mikas Vaicekauskas (par. \/ ed. \/ hrsg.),<\/p>\n

Kristijono Donelai\u010dio rankra\u0161\u010diai\u00a0<\/em>=\u00a0<\/em>The Manuscripts of<\/em><\/p>\n

Kristijonas Donelaitis\u00a0<\/em>=\u00a0<\/em>Die Handschriften von<\/em><\/p>\n

Kristijonas Donelaitis<\/em>, Fotografuotinis leidimas \/<\/p>\n

A Facsimile Edition \/ Faksimileausgabe, 2014<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Christiane Schiller<\/em><\/p>\n

Rezension von: Liucija Citavi\u010di\u016bt\u0117 (sud.),<\/p>\n

Martynas Liudvikas R\u0117za,\u00a0Ra\u0161tai\u00a0<\/em>2.\u00a0Traktatai:<\/em><\/p>\n

Krik\u0161\u010dionyb\u0117s istorija Lietuvoje ir Pr\u016bsijoje<\/em>, 2013<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Aurelija Tamo\u0161i\u016bnait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Recenzuojama: Arvydas Pacevi\u010dius (sud.),<\/p>\n

Egodokumentai\u00a0<\/em>ir privati Lietuvos erdv\u0117 XVI\u2013XX am\u017eiuje<\/em>.<\/em><\/p>\n

Straipsni\u0173 rinkinys<\/em>, 2013<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Algimantas Katilius<\/em><\/p>\n

Recenzuojama: Mindaugas Paknys (vert., par.),<\/p>\n

Vincentas Juzumas,\u00a0\u017demai\u010di\u0173 vyskupijos apra\u0161ymas<\/em>, 2013<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Birut\u0117 Kaba\u0161inskait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Recenzuojama: Jurgis Lebedys, Juozas Girdzijauskas (sud.),<\/p>\n

Simonas Stanevi\u010dius,\u00a0Ra\u0161tai<\/em>, Fotografuotinis leidimas, 2010<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ona Aleknavi\u010dien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Recenzuojama: Auks\u0117 Razanovait\u0117,<\/p>\n

Lietuvi\u0173 sen\u0173j\u0173 ra\u0161t\u0173 klitiniai \u012fvard\u017eiai\u00a0<\/em>(XVI\u2013XVIII a.<\/em>), 2014<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Diskusijos, ap\u017evalgos, pastabos (Discussions, Surveys,<\/strong><\/p>\n

Notes)<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Sigitas Narbutas<\/em><\/p>\n

Profesoriaus Juozo Girdzijausko nuopelnai lituanistikai<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Mindaugas \u0160ink\u016bnas<\/em>,\u00a0<\/em>Birut\u0117 Tri\u0161kait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

Archivum Lithuanicum<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 15 met\u0173[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Santraukos \/ Summaries” tab_id=”1498607913533-7abd6d3f-ed3b6ad8-25fa”][vc_column_text]Mindaugas \u0160ink\u016bnas<\/em><\/p>\n

THE LITHUANIAN ORTHOGRAPHY REFORM IN SEVENTEENTH<\/p>\n

CENTURY LITHUANIA MINOR. I. FRICATIVES AND AFFRICATES<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The writings of the seventeenth century Lithuania Minor bear witness to significant shifts in orthography. The change was never labelled an orthographical \u201creform,\u201d either in contemporary or in later grammar books, but the scale of change permits us to adopt that particular term. The orthography was modified in a conscious and organized manner, which was attested to by a political impulse (document\u00a0Recessus generalis<\/i>, 1639), by philological codification (grammars and manuscript dictionaries of Danielius Kleinas in 1653, 1654, and of Kristupas Sap\u016bnas, Teofilis \u0160ulcas in 1673), and by the universal acceptance of the changes proposed (salient peculiarities of orthography were transformed within a brief span of time and throughout the majority of known texts; in addition, there is no surviving evidence of contemporary alternative models or polemics).<\/p>\n

The following differences are the most conspicuous between the \u201cold\u201d and the \u201cnew\u201d orthographies: spelling of fricative consonants [\u0283], [\u0292], affricates [\u02a7], [\u02a4], and nasal vowels [\u0129], [\u0169]; marking both quantity (\u2039y\u203a symbol, and geminates), and quality of the vowels (making a difference between the open [\u025b] and close [e] vowel in script); also denoting word accents and morphological forms (attempts at the homoform distinction).<\/p>\n

This research was based on the texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth century Lithuania Minor that were digitized at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language in Vilnius (part of the texts are available at: www.lki.lt\/seniejirastai). Precise data that we obtained enabled us to have a broader overview of the tendencies in orthographical development and its chronology. This article deals merely with the spellings of fricative consonants [\u0283], [\u0292], and affricates [\u02a7], [\u02a4].<\/p>\n

Almost a hundred years after the times of Martynas Ma\u017evydas (ca. 1520\u20131563) the fricative [\u0283] was marked by \u2039sch\u203a, and [\u0292] \u2013 by a digraph \u2039sz\u203a (very seldom: \u2039s\u017a\u203a or \u2039\u017a\u203a). A ducal order printed in 1641 did not contain the \u2039sch\u203a anymore, and the ligature \u2039sz\u203a signified the fricative [\u0283] instead of [\u0292]. The grapheme \u2039\u017a\u203a was selected for [\u0292] (the letter \u2039\u017a\u203a was introduced as early as 1600 by Simonas Vai\u0161noras [ca. 1545\u20131600], but he used it only in the word-initial position, while continuing to use \u2039sz\u203a [\u0292] in all other positions). In three oath texts of 1644 the ligature \u2039sz\u203a signified both [\u0283] and [\u0292] \u2013 this must have been the time of transition between the \u201cold\u201d and the \u201cnew\u201d orthography. Since the time of Kleinas\u2019s grammars (1653\u20131654) the system of \u2039sz\u203a [\u0283], and \u2039\u017a\u203a [\u0292] gets firmly rooted (in some texts also \u2039\u015b\u203a [\u0283] along with \u2039sz\u203a [\u0283]).<\/p>\n

The affricate [\u02a7] was marked in three different ways in Lithuania Minor. Before 1625 the digraph \u2039cz\u203a dominated, and some used \u2039tz\u203a instead. In the Hymnal of Jonas R\u0117za (1625), in the ducal order of 1639, and in L\u0117manas\u2019s salutation of 1643 a correlation became obvious: \u2039cz\u203a took the word-initial position, and \u2039tz\u203a\u2014all other positions. In the ducal order of 1641 return to the mere digraph \u2039cz\u203a occurred. Sap\u016bnas and \u0160ulcas were the only ones to systematically employ \u2039c\u017a\u203a with a diacritical mark over the second component. In 1653 (maybe even somewhat earlier) a new single letter \u2039\u0107\u203a for the palatal consonant [\u02a7\u02b2] was introduced, and it was used along with the digraph \u2039cz\u203a that continued to mark the non-palatal [\u02a7].<\/p>\n

The oldest way to mark the affricate [\u02a4] was the digraph \u2039dz\u203a. In 1600 Vai\u0161noras perceived the affricate quite originally, as a combination of consonants [d] and [\u02a7], so he was the only one to mark the affricate [\u02a4] as \u2039dcz\u203a (in other books there were merely a few spontaneous occurrences of \u2039dcz\u203a). Since Kleinas\u2019s grammar of 1653 the marking of \u2039d\u017a\u203a with the diacritical mark on the second component was established (later in some publications the old \u2039dz\u203a was still printed).<\/p>\n

The most important role of inculcating the orthographical changes was played by Danielius Kleinas, whose grammars (1653 and 1654) codified the new orthography, and both his Hymnal and his Prayer book were effectively spreading it. There is no way of telling what was the original orthography used in the first version of Sap\u016bnas\u2019s grammar (about 1643). Certain pivotal orthographical changes are obvious in the ducal order of 1641\u2014way before the publication of Kleinas\u2019s grammars, therefore we cannot claim Kleinas was the initiator of the reform. There is no doubt, however, that Kleinas was one of its most significant implementers..<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ona Aleknavi\u010dien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

WAR MARTYNAS MA\u017dVYDAS (MARTINUS MOSVIDIUS) BISCHOF?<\/p>\n

Zusammenfassung<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In der vorliegenden Studie wird die Verwendung der Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>\u2018Bischof\u2019 im preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Schrifttum vom 16. bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts untersucht.<\/p>\n

In der litauischen Literaturgeschichte wird Martynas Ma\u017evydas zuweilen als\u00a0vykupas\u00a0<\/em>\u2018Bischof\u2019 bezeichnet. Allerdings war Ma\u017evydas, der an der K\u00f6nigsberger Universit\u00e4t von 1546\u20131548 studierte und 1549 zur Amtszeit des saml\u00e4ndischen Bischofs Georg von Polentz (Pr\u00e4sident war seinerzeit Johann Briesmann) seine Pfarrstelle in Ragnit antrat, zu keiner Zeit Bischof des Bistums Samland gewesen. Er \u00fcbte nicht das Amt des h\u00f6chsten geistlichen F\u00fchrers eines Bistums aus, dessen deutsche Entsprechung\u00a0Bischof<\/em>, die lateinische\u00a0episcopus\u00a0<\/em>ist. Insofern gibt es keinen Anlass ihn\u00a0vykupas\u00a0<\/em>\u2018Bischof\u2019 zu nennen. In den Dokumenten der Preu\u00dfischen Generalsynode vom 4. und 19. September 1554 gibt Ma\u017evydas seine Position selbst mit\u00a0Archipre\u017fbyter Ragneten<\/em>[\u017fis<\/em>] und\u00a0districtus Ragneten\u017fis Archipre\u017fbyter<\/em>, d. h. Erzpriester des Kirchensprengels Ragnit an.<\/p>\n

Im Untersuchungszeitraum, d. h. vom 16. bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts, wird die Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>im preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Schrifttum sowohl als historischer, d. h. in den biblischen Texten \u00fcberlieferter, als auch als zeitgen\u00f6ssischer Begriff zur Bezeichnung des h\u00f6chsten Geistlichen eines Bistums bzw. eines Kirchensprengels verwendet.<\/p>\n

Obwohl die Bist\u00fcmer und mit ihnen das Bischofsamt im Herzogtum Preu\u00dfen im Jahre 1588 abgeschafft wurden und an ihre Stelle die Konsistorien mit dem Amt des Superintendenten getreten sind, wurde zu dessen Benennung kein neuer litauischer Begriff gepr\u00e4gt, sondern die alte Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>beibehalten. Das ist das Resultat der sekund\u00e4ren Nomination: zur Benennung des neuen Amtes wurde keine neue Bezeichnung geschaffen, sondern die bereits eingeb\u00fcrgerte Bezeichnung auf eine neue, der alten nahestehende Bedeutung \u00fcbertragen. Der Generalsuperintendent wurde entsprechend als\u00a0vyriausiasis vyskupas<\/em>, d. h. \u2018oberster Bischof\u2018 bezeichnet.<\/p>\n

Vom 16. bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts wurden im preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Schrifttum drei Varianten von\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>verwendet:\u00a0byskupas, by\u0161kupas\u00a0<\/em>und\u00a0vyskupas<\/em>. Seit dem\u00a0Katechimus\u00a0<\/em>von Ma\u017evydas (1547) bis zum\u00a0Psalter Davids\u00a0<\/em>von Johann Rhesa (1625) war die Form\u00a0byskupas\u00a0<\/em>vorherrschend. Eine Ausnahme bildet die\u00a0Wolfenb\u00fctteler Postille\u00a0<\/em>(1573); dort findet sich die Form\u00a0by\u0161kupas<\/em>. Seit Daniel Kleins\u00a0Grammatica Litvanica\u00a0<\/em>(1653) hat sich\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>eingeb\u00fcrgert, allerdings finden sich im\u00a0Neuen Testament\u00a0<\/em>von Samuel Bythnerus von 1701 noch beide Formen, d. h. sowohl\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>(12\u00d7) als auch\u00a0byskupas\u00a0<\/em>(4\u00d7), danach erscheint ausschlie\u00dflich\u00a0vyskupas<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Die Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>referiert im preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Schrifttum des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts auf verschiedene semantische Konzepte. Drei von ihnen sind als historisch (biblisch) zu beschreiben, zwei als zeitgen\u00f6ssisch, d. h. sie referieren auf kirchliche \u00c4mter des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts. So referiert die Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>auf 1. den in der Bibel (d. h. im Neuen Testament) erw\u00e4hnten geistlichen F\u00fchrer der ersten christlichen Gemeinde; 2. den in der Bibel (vor allem im Neuen Testament) erw\u00e4hnten obersten geistlichen F\u00fchrer der Juden, die das Christentum noch nicht angenommen haben; 3. den ewigen Hohepriester der Christenheit, Jesus Christus; 4. den h\u00f6chsten evangelischen und katholischen Amtstr\u00e4ger eines Bistums; 5. den F\u00fchrer eines evangelischen Kirchensprengels in Preu\u00dfen, der dem Generalsuperintendenten des Konsistoriums untergeordnet ist.<\/p>\n

Nach 1588 findet sich\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>als zeitgen\u00f6ssischer Begriff, mit dem auf den h\u00f6chsten Geistlichen eines Kirchensprengels (dt.\u00a0Superintendent<\/em>,\u00a0Erzpriester<\/em>) referiert wird, erstmals in der\u00a0Magarita Theologica\u00a0<\/em>(1600) von Simonas Vai\u0161noras, danach in Lazar Sengstocks\u00a0Enchiridion\u00a0<\/em>(1612) im Abschnitt \u00fcber die Einf\u00fchrung des Pfarrers in die Gemeinde (Introduktion).Die Einb\u00fcrgerung der Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>dokumentieren die zweisprachigen Ausgabendes Lutherischen Katechismus f\u00fcr die preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Gemeinden sowie dieW\u00f6rterb\u00fccher des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, in denen der deutschen Bezeichnung\u00a0Erzpriester\u00a0<\/em>die litauische\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>entspricht.<\/p>\n

Die zeitgen\u00f6ssische Bezeichnung\u00a0vyriausiasis vyskupas<\/em>, die auf das Amt des evangelischen Generalsuperintendenten, als des Vorsitzenden des Konsistoriums einer territorialen Einheit und h\u00f6chsten evangelischen Geistlichen referiert, kann im litauischen Schrifttum erstmals 1694 im von Bartholom\u00e4us Schulz \u00fcbersetzten Katechismus\u00a0Krik\u0161\u010dioni\u0161kas<\/em>susikalb\u0117jimas\u00a0<\/em>(Eine Chri\u017ftliche Unterredung<\/em>) von Bernhard von Sanden d.\u00c4. nachgewiesen werden.\u00a0<\/em>Dort \u00fcbersetzt\u00a0vyriausiasis vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>dt.\u00a0Oberhofprediger<\/em>.<\/p>\n

In den litauischen \u00dcbersetzungstexten Preu\u00dfisch-Litauens des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts entsprechen der Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>folgende \u00c4quivalente in der Ausgangssprache (entsprechend der f\u00fcnf eingangs erw\u00e4hnten Konzepte): 1. dt.\u00a0Bischof<\/em>, lat.\u00a0episcopus<\/em>; 2. dt.\u00a0Hohepriester<\/em>,\u00a0Pfaffe<\/em>,\u00a0Geistlichkeit<\/em>; lat.\u00a0Princeps sacerdotum<\/em>,\u00a0pontifex<\/em>; 3. dt.\u00a0Bischof<\/em>,\u00a0Priester, Hohepriester<\/em>; lat.\u00a0episcopus<\/em>,\u00a0pontifex<\/em>); 4. dt.\u00a0Bischof<\/em>, lat.\u00a0episcopus<\/em>; 5. dt.\u00a0Bischof<\/em>,\u00a0Ertzpriester.\u00a0<\/em>Den zusammengesetzten in der Bibel nachzuweisenden Bezeichnungen\u00a0vyriausiasis vyskupas, auk\u0161\u010diausiasis<\/em>vyskupas<\/em>, die auf den Hohepriester als einen geistlichen F\u00fchrer einer das Christentum noch nicht angenommenen j\u00fcdischen Gemeinde referieren, entsprechen in den \u00dcbersetzungsvorlagen sowie in den W\u00f6rterb\u00fcchern die folgenden \u00c4quivalente: dt.\u00a0Hohepriester,\u00a0<\/em>Erzbischof<\/em>, lat.\u00a0Princeps sacerdotum, summus sacerdos<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Ma\u00dfgeblichen Einfluss auf die Einb\u00fcrgerung des Terminus\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>nach der Beseitigung des Bischofsamtes 1588 hatte der im Laufe des 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert mehrfach ins Litauische \u00fcbersetzte\u00a0Kleine Katechismus\u00a0<\/em>von Martin Luther. Dort werden im Kapitel \u00fcber die \u00c4mter, dessen Grundlage Fragmente aus den Paulusbriefen an Thimoteus und Titus (1 Tim 3,1\u20137 ir Tit 1,5\u20139) bilden, die Anforderungen an einen Bischof (im deutschen Text erscheint an der entsprechenden Stelle\u00a0Bischof<\/em>, im lateinischen\u00a0Episcopus<\/em>) und andere Geistliche benannt. Verst\u00e4rkend wirkte die seit 1570, d. h. seit Ma\u017evydas\u2018\u00a0Giesm\u0117s<\/em>Chrik\u0161\u010dioni\u0161kos<\/em>\u00a0im zweiten Teil der Gesangb\u00fccher abgedruckte Litanei mit der F\u00fcrbitte f\u00fcr die Bisch\u00f6fe, Pfarrer und Kirchendiener. Die Litanei ist mit dem Kapitel des Katechismus \u00fcber die Pflichten eines Geistlichen verbunden und formiert im Bewusstsein der Menschen genau diese Hierarchie der Amtspflichten der Geistlichen. Andere literarische Genres hatten wegen der eingeschr\u00e4nkteren Verbreitung und Popularit\u00e4t einen geringeren Einfluss.<\/p>\n

Angesichts der Tatsache, dass die zeitgen\u00f6ssischen Bezeichnung\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>im preu\u00dfisch-litauischen Schrifttum auch nach 1588, als das Bischofsamt bereits abgeschafft war, noch allgemein verwendet wurde, k\u00f6nnen auch in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur die obersten Geistlichen eines Kirchensprengels des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (vgl. dt.\u00a0Superintendent<\/em>,\u00a0Erzpriester<\/em>)\u00a0vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>genannt werden. Entsprechend k\u00f6nnen mit\u00a0vyriausiasis vyskupas\u00a0<\/em>die Generalsuperintendenten sowie die Konsistorialpr\u00e4sidenten bezeichnet werden.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ona Aleknavi\u010dien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

DIE UNTERSCHRIFTEN VON MARTYNAS MA\u017dVYDAS<\/p>\n

UND BALTRAMIEJUS VILENTAS IN DEN DOKUMENTEN<\/p>\n

DER PREUSSISCHEN GENERALSYNODE VON 1554<\/p>\n

Zusammenfassung<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Im Mittelpunkt dieses Artikels stehen Dokumente der Preu\u00dfischen Generalsynode, die vom 2. bis 24. September 1554 in K\u00f6nigsberg stattfand und unter denen sich neben den Unterschriften der an der Universit\u00e4t K\u00f6nigsberg wirkenden Professoren und den anderen in den Gemeinden des Herzogtums Preu\u00dfen t\u00e4tigen Pfarrern auch die Unterschriften von Martynas Ma\u017evydas (lat.\u00a0Martinus Mosvidius<\/em>) und Baltramiejus Vilentas (lat.\u00a0Bartholom\u00e4us\u00a0<\/em>Willentus<\/em>) nachweisen lassen.<\/p>\n

Erstmals wurde hier das bisher nicht publizierte Dokument \u201eArticel der Antwort der Aug\u017fburgi\u017fchen Confe\u017f\u017fion verwanten pfarherr vom Lande\u201c (weiterhin \u2013\u00a0BArt<\/em>), das im Geheimen Staatsarchiv Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz, Herzogliches Briefarchiv unter der Signatur GStA PK: XX. HA Hist. StA K\u00f6nigsberg, HBA J 2 K 986, 1 Januar\u201330 April 1544, 8r\u201311v gef\u00fchrt wird, ber\u00fccksichtigt.<\/p>\n

Die Analyse des Hergangs der Preu\u00dfischen Generalsynode sowie der dort besprochenen Fragen zeigt, dass das entsprechende Dokument auf den 4. September 1554 zu datieren ist. Insofern handelt es sich dabei um das fr\u00fcheste bekannte Dokument der Generalsynode, das von den Pfarrern der Bist\u00fcmer Samland und Pomesanien sowie den Professoren der Universit\u00e4t K\u00f6nigsberg unterzeichnet wurde.<\/p>\n

BArt\u00a0<\/em>besteht aus vier beschriebenen Bl\u00e4ttern, d. h. eine Seite Text sowie sieben Seiten mit den 102 Unterschriften der Pfarrer, die jeweils von den lateinischen Amtsbezeichnungen und den lateinischen Formen der Ortsnamen begleitet werden. Die Unterschriften der 16 polnischen Pfarrer finden sich auf einem separaten, mit \u201eCatalogvs pa\u017ftorvm Polonorvm in Dvcato pru\u017f\u017fi\u00e6 qvi \u017fub\u017frip\u017fervnt\u201c (BArt\u00a0<\/em>11r\u201311v) \u00fcberschriebenen Blatt.<\/p>\n

Wie Ma\u017evydas in seinen Briefen \u00e4u\u00dfert, wurde ihm wiederholt eine gewissen N\u00e4he zum Osiandrismus unterstellt. Allerdings beweist er als einer der 102 unterzeichnenden Pfarrer mit seiner Unterschrift unter dem Dokument der Sitzung vom 4. September 1554, aus der die Anh\u00e4nger des Osiandrismus bereits zu Beginn verbannt worden waren, dass er offenbar von der Mehrzahl der Teilnehmer der Generalsynode nicht zu diesen gez\u00e4hlt wurde. Vielmehr erarbeitete Ma\u017evydas zusammen mit den anderen Teilnehmern eine Gegenposition zum Osiandrismus und suchte dessen negativen Einfluss einzud\u00e4mmen. Die Unterschriften von Ma\u017evydas und Vilentas finden sich auf allen drei Dokumenten der Generalsynode, d. h. auf denen vom 4., 8. sowie 19. September 1554.<\/p>\n

Die Unterschriften von Ma\u017evydas, Vilentas, Jan Torty\u0142owicz Batocki (lit.\u00a0Jonas Tartilavi\u010dius<\/em>Batakietis<\/em>), Gregorius Vilnensis (lit.\u00a0Gregorijus Vilnietis<\/em>) und anderer in der litauischen Gemeinden des Herzogtums Preu\u00dfens wirkenden Pfarrer unter den Dokumenten der Generalsynode dokumentieren deren gem\u00e4\u00dfigte Position in den Auseinandersetzungen des 16. Jahrhunderts im Zusammenhang mit der Interpretation der theologischen Dogmen und zeugen von ihrem orthodoxen lutherischen Bekenntnis.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Vincentas Drotvinas, Birut\u0117 Tri\u0161kait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

ARCHIVQUELLEN ZU JACOB NEUKIRCHS<\/p>\n

LITAUISCHER BIBEL UND LITAUISCHEM W\u00d6RTERBUCH<\/p>\n

Zusammenfassung<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In diesem Beitrag werden drei Dokumente aus dem Geheimen Staatsarchiv Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz zu Berlin ver\u00f6ffentlicht, die neue Erkenntnisse zur litauischen Bibel\u00fcbersetzung sowie zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache und Lexikographie im 17. Jh. in Ostpreu\u00dfen liefern. Darin werden Jacob Neukirch (nach 1620 \u2013 nach 1683), einem in der Geschichte des litauischen Schrifttums bisher v\u00f6llig unbekannten ostpreu\u00dfischen Pfarrer, die Autorschaft an einem litauischen Bibelfragment, einer sogenannten \u201eNoth=Bibel<\/em>\u201c (vermutlich handelte es sich um das Neue Testament), sowie an einem sogenannten \u201elittawi\u017fchen\u00a0Lexicon<\/em>\u201c (einem deutsch-litauischen oder litauisch-deutschen W\u00f6rterbuch) zugeschrieben.<\/p>\n

Es handelt sich bei den im erw\u00e4hnten Archiv gefundenen Dokumenten um 1. einen Brief von Erhard Waldeck d. J. an den Preu\u00dfischen Kurf\u00fcrsten Friedrich Wilhelm bez\u00fcglich der Revision von Jacob Neukirchs litauischer Bibel und des litauischen W\u00f6rterbuches (K\u00f6nigsberg, 2. M\u00e4rz 1674; GStA PK: XX. HA Hist. StA K\u00f6nigsberg, EM 37 f, Nr. 2, 13r\u201313v, 17); 2. einen Brief von Jacob Neukirch an den Preu\u00dfischen Kurf\u00fcrsten Friedrich Wilhelm bez\u00fcglich der Bestellung von Rezensenten f\u00fcr seine litauische Bibel\u00fcbersetzung und sein litauisches W\u00f6rterbuch (undatiert, ohne Ort, vermutlich K\u00f6nigsberg, zwischen dem 3. und 8. M\u00e4rz 1674; GStA PK: XX. HA Hist. StA K\u00f6nigsberg, EM 37 f, Nr. 2, 14r); sowie 3. um das Reskript des Preu\u00dfischen Kurf\u00fcrsten Friedrich Wilhelm an litauische Pfarrer bez\u00fcglich der Revision und Begutachtung von Jacob Neukirchs litauischer Bibel und des litauischen W\u00f6rterbuches (K\u00f6nigsberg?, 9. M\u00e4rz 1674; GStA PK: XX. HA Hist. StA K\u00f6nigsberg, EM 37 f, Nr. 2, 15r\u201315v).<\/p>\n

Die Daten der beiden Dokumente (2. M\u00e4rz 1674 sowie 9. M\u00e4rz 1674) stellen sowohl f\u00fcr die litauische Bibel als auch f\u00fcr das W\u00f6rterbuch Neukirchs den\u00a0terminus ad quem\u00a0<\/em>dar. Im Brief an den Kurf\u00fcrsten erw\u00e4hnt Neukirch, dass seine Schriften w\u00e4hrend seines Predigtamtes im Insterburgischen Kreis erschaffen wurden, sie demzufolge im Insterburgischen Kreis zu lokalisieren sind. Au\u00dferdem geht aus dem Brief Neukirchs hervor, dass seine Bibel\u00fcbersetzung und der litauische Teil seines W\u00f6rterbuches im s\u00fcdwestauk\u0161taitischen Dialekt, d. h. im sogenannten\u00a0baltserm\u0117gi\u0173 patarm\u0117\u00a0<\/em>aus der Gegend um Insterburg verfasst wurde. Als Adressaten werden die Litauisch lernende Jugend und die in den litauischen Gemeinden Preu\u00dfens t\u00e4tigen deutschen Pfarrer genannt. Nach Aussage von Erhard Waldeck d. J., dem Pfarrer an der litauischen St. Elisabeth Kirche in K\u00f6nigsberg, waren die Arbeiten von Neukirch von gr\u00f6\u00dferem Umfang. In seinem Brief an den Kurf\u00fcrsten bringt Waldeck jedoch Einw\u00e4nde bez\u00fcglich des gew\u00e4hlten Dialektgrundlage, der Orthographie und des Aufbaus vor.<\/p>\n

Die von den Oberr\u00e4ten des Preu\u00dfischen Kurf\u00fcrsten Friedrich Wilhelm eingesetzte Kommission zur Begutachtung von Neukirchs eingereichter litauischer Bibel und dem W\u00f6rterbuch bestand aus drei in den litauischen Gemeinden Preu\u00dfens t\u00e4tigen Pfarrern: Michael Engel d. \u00c4. aus Tilsit, Johann Rebentisch d. \u00c4. aus Georgenburg und Michael Gallus aus Ru\u00df. Die Gutachter wurden beauftragt, die von Neukirch eingereichten Manuskripte zu revidiren und bewerten sowie Gutachten zu erstellen. Wie sich die Gutachter \u00fcber Neukirchs Arbeiten \u00e4u\u00dferten, ist nicht bekannt, da bisher weder deren Gutachten noch entsprechende Briefe zu dieser Thematik gefunden werden konnten. Beide Schriften, sowohl die Bibel als auch das W\u00f6rterbuch, wurden offenbar nie gedruckt; der Verbleib der Manuskripte ist unbekannt.<\/p>\n

Bei dem in diesem Beitrag ver\u00f6ffentlichten Brief Neukirchs an den Kurf\u00fcrsten Friedrich Wilhelm vom 3\u20138. M\u00e4rz 1674 sowie seinem ebenfalls hier abgedruckten Brief an die Visitatoren der Kirchen des Memelschen Amtes vom Dezember 1644 handelt es sich um eigenh\u00e4ndige handschriftliche Zeugnisse des Autors. Sie gewinnen Bedeutung im Zusammenhang mit der Identifizierung der Autoren der bisher anonymen handschriftlichen litauischen Schriften ostpreu\u00dfischer Provenienz.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Wolfgang Hock<\/em><\/p>\n

RESEARCH IN DAUK\u0160A\u2019S POSTILLA –<\/p>\n

II.\u00a0DOPPELAKZENTUIERUNGEN<\/em><\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Among the words provided with accent marks in Dauk\u0161a\u2019s 1599\u00a0Postilla\u00a0<\/i>there are more than 7,000 word forms with a double marking of stress. Such cases have been explained either as printing errors or as Dauk\u0161a\u2019s intentional practice of representing competing (conservative and innovating) stress patterns within the same word. In this article an attempt is made to pay more attention to typographical aspects both in doubly- and simply-stressed forms. In the case of\u00a0\u00e1\u00a0<\/i>there may be an adoption of the Polish typographical practice of marking an open\u00a0a\u00a0<\/i>(\u2018a\u00a0<\/i>niepochylone\u2019) with an accentual diacritic, apparently without distinctive vowel quality in Dauk\u0161a\u00b4s\u00a0Postilla<\/i>. Within the\u00a0a-<\/i>,\u00a0e-<\/i>,\u00a0i-<\/i>,\u00a0u-\u00a0<\/i>vowel series there are random interchanges of \u2018complex vowel signs\u2019 (i.e. vowel signs consisting of the respective simple vowel and some diacritic, e.g.\u00a0\u00e9\u00a0<\/i>~\u00a0\u00ea\u00a0<\/i>~\u00a0\u0229\u00a0<\/i>~\u00a0e<\/i>\u0363\u00a0<\/i>~\u00a0\u0119\u00a0<\/i>~\u00a0\u0119\u0301\u0301<\/i>), which may be based on the typesetter\u2019s partial neglect of the difference between the respective complex vowel signs. Among such interchanges there are a number of forms with double or unjustified simple accent marks which possibly allow a phonetic explanation (denasalization of nasal vowels) or may be due to ambiguous handwritten source (especially in the case of\u00a0\u00ed\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0\u00fa<\/i>).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Giedrius Suba\u010dius<\/em><\/p>\n

THE FIRST TURNING POINT IN SIMONAS DAUKANTAS\u2019S<\/p>\n

ORTHOGRAPHY (1827\u20131828): LETTER \u2039y\u203a, SOUND [\u1eb9],<\/p>\n

DIACRITICS, AND GEMINATES<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

1. It is most probable that the earliest surviving Lithuanian lines in Simonas Daukantas\u2019s (1793\u20131864) hand were inscribed in 1827 in R\u012bga (Latvia) in his manuscript\u00a0Excerpts<\/i>from Books\u00a0<\/i>(I\u0161ra\u0161ai i\u0161 kn\u012fg\u0173\u00a0<\/i>[IK<\/i>];\u00a0<\/i>Library of the Institute for the Lithuanian Literature and Folklore [LLTIB], Vilnius: f. 1 \u2013 SD 31). Another almost contemporary manuscript titled Lithuanian Songs (Canticula Lithuanica\u00a0<\/i>[DaCL<\/i>]; National Lithuanian Martynas Ma\u017evydas\u2019s Library, Vilnius: f. 110 \u2013 21) originated in about 1827\u20131828. These two manuscripts contain quite similar orthography that Daukantas was exploiting in Vilnius (until the end of 1825) and later in R\u012bga (1826\u20131827). Its salient features were: (1) the letter \u2039y\u203a to denote close vowel [\u1eb9] of Northwestern Lithuanian Lowland dialect; the digraph \u2039yi\u203a to denote [\u1eb9i]; (2) the grapheme \u2039e\u2011\u203a in word-initial position both in conjuncture\u00a0ir\u00a0<\/i>\u2018and\u2019 and in preposition\u00a0i\u0161\u00a0<\/i>\u2018from\u2019 (as well as in the prefix\u00a0i\u0161<\/i>\u2011); (3) the diacritical non-palatal \u2039\u0142\u203a [l]; (4) the absence of geminates; (5) the avoidance of all diacritics (except for the traditional \u201cPolish\u201d letters \u2039\u0142\u203a, and \u2039\u017c\u203a).<\/p>\n

2. The next (third) known Daukantas\u2019s manuscript book with Lithuanian inscriptions\u2014Excerpts from Books of Ethnography and History\u00a0<\/i>(I\u0161ra\u0161ai i\u0161 kn\u012fg\u0173 apie etnografje ir istorje\u00a0<\/i>[IKEI<\/i>],<\/i>\u00a0LLTIB: f. 1 \u2013 SD 40) is dated approximately in 1828. This\u00a0IKEI\u00a0<\/i>included many modifications in Daukantas\u2019s Vilnius orthography. Certain signs of change had already appeared in\u00a0DaCL<\/i>\u00a0in about 1827\u20131828 (diacritical \u2039\u2011\u0119\u203a, \u2039\u016f\u203a), but the most conspicuous changes were introduced merely in\u00a0IKEI\u00a0<\/i>in 1828: (1) in many endings Daukantas chose \u2039\u0119\u203a [\u1eb9] instead of former \u2039y\u203a; (2) the digraph \u2039ei\u203a replaced \u2039yi\u203a; (3) the diacritical \u2039\u016f\u203a was introduced instead of \u2039ou\u203a and \u2039ow\u203a; (4) in certain cases Daukantas adopted diacritical \u2039\u00f4\u203a [uo] instead of former plain \u2039o\u203a; (5) he introduced a new diacritical \u2039\u2011\u00f9\u203a in the instr. sg. m. ending; (6) he instituted geminates (double consonant letters \u2039ll, tt, ss\u203a; (7) Daukantas initiated verb infinitives with the final \u2039\u2011te\u203a instead of the former \u2039\u2011ty\u203a. This way the modifications in Daukantas\u2019s individual spelling in 1827\u20131828 were very substantial: they touched upon multiple particularities of his orthographic habits.<\/p>\n

3. Daukantas was educated in Lithuania, so his earliest known Vilnius orthography was conforming to certain spelling practices particular to contemporary Lithuania (especially those that were used for the texts in his native Lithuanian Lowland dialect). In his new R\u012bga orthography from 1827\u20131828 on Daukantas switched to the system that to a significant degree followed the Lithuanian orthography of East Prussia.<\/p>\n

4. Not all of the contemporary Lithuanian texts of East Prussia contained all the features that Daukantas decided to transform in 1827\u20131828. The majority of his modifications comply with the first edition of notorious poem by Kristijonas Donelaitis\u00a0Seasons\u00a0<\/i>(Das Jahr in<\/i>Vier Gesaengen<\/i>;\u00a0Metai<\/i>), edited and published by the professor of K\u00f6nigsberg University Liudvikas R\u0117za in 1818. The most salient feature that made Daukantas\u2019s resolve of change possible were frequent past participles (part. praet. act. nom. pl. m.) in Donelaitis\u2019s poem with the ending \u2039\u2011\u0119\u203a; they must have inspired Daukantas to introduce the same grapheme in his simple past tense verb endings instead: the two forms in Daukantas dialect were quite confusing, often homophonic.<\/p>\n

5. One more source that might have had a certain impact on Daukantas\u2019s orthographical metamorphoses was the\u00a0Grammatica Litvanica\u00a0<\/i>by Danielius Kleinas (1653). Daukantas copied most of this grammar book in his own hand for his personal use. Daukantas\u2019s diacritical \u2039\u00f4\u203a might have undergone the direct influence of Kleinas\u2019s\u00a0Grammatica Litvanica\u00a0<\/i>(along with Donelaitis\u2019s\u00a0Seasons<\/i>).<\/p>\n

6. Daukantas implemented his modifications gradually. Daukantas started from \u2039\u2011\u0119, \u016f\u203a in\u00a0DaCL<\/i>, and only after he grew accustomed to them, Daukantas introduced more novelties in\u00a0IKEI<\/i>: \u2039\u2011\u00fb, \u00f4, \u2011\u00f9\u203a, and geminates; simultaneously he relinquished the diacritical mark of \u2039\u0142\u203a.<\/p>\n

7. In his orthographical transformation Daukantas attempted to keep in his own Lowland Lithuanian dialectal features (East Prussian Lithuanian texts were rendered in a significantly distinct Western Highland dialect). In 7 different endings containing the grapheme \u2039\u0119\u203a Daukantas coded the Lowland sound [\u1eb9], which was entirely absent from the Western Highland dialect. Lowland Lithuanian phonetics has to be reconstructed for the following Daukantas\u2019s diacritical letters: \u2039\u00f4\u203a (Lowland [uo], in Daukantas\u2019s words\u2014\u201coa\u201d), \u2039\u2011\u00fb\u203a (in certain cases Lowland [un<\/sup>], in Daukantas\u2019s words\u2014\u201cindistinct un\u201d), and \u2039\u2011\u00f9\u203a (Lowland [\u1ecd], in Daukantas\u2019s words\u2014pronounced \u201cin husky voice\u201d). Daukantas borrowed the graphic appearance of the Eastern Prussian Lithuanian texts but adjusted it to his own Lowland pronunciation.<\/p>\n

8. In 1828, in addition, independently from the East Prussian Lithuanian tradition Daukantas introduced \u2039e\u203a in the Lowland diphthong [\u1eb9i], rendering \u2039ei\u203a; the same \u2039e\u203a he chose for infinitives in \u2039\u2011te\u203a. In both cases Daukantas tried to represent his Lowland pronunciation. On the other hand, Daukantas abandoned \u2039e\u203a representing Lowland [\u1eb9] in some cases of word-initial position\u2014er<\/i>,\u00a0esz,\u00a0<\/i>and \u2039esz\u2011\u203a were turned into\u00a0ir<\/i>,\u00a0isz,\u00a0<\/i>and \u2039isz\u2011\u203a.<\/i><\/p>\n

9. In sum, in about 1827\u20131828 Daukantas proceeded in aborting his\u00a0Vilnius orthography\u00a0<\/i>and modelling a new one,\u00a0R\u012bga writing system<\/i>, to a substantial extent based on Donelaitis\u2019s<\/i>poem 1818 edition, on Kleinas\u2019s 1653 grammar, and on other Lithuanian texts of East Prussia.<\/i>In 1828 Daukantas was among the very first, who attempted a (partial) merger of East<\/i>Prussian Lithuanian orthography with that of Lithuania proper.<\/i><\/p>\n

10. Enthusiasm for significant changes in orthography could have been partially encouraged by Daukantas\u2019s change in cultural milieu: from mostly Polish speaking Vilnius to predominantly German R\u012bga. In addition, almost simultaneously a project to introduce a lectureship of Lithuanian at Vilnius University was proposed to the Ministry of Education in Saint Petersburg. This might have become an uplifting impulse for brushing up ones spellings. The two authorities of Donelaitis and R\u0117za must have helped Daukantas set his mind on their orthography in particular.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Jurgita Venckien\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

ANTANAS BARANAUSKAS\u2019S MODEL OF STANDARD LITHUANIAN:<\/p>\n

ACCEPTANCE IN SAMOGITIAN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY<\/p>\n

IN KAUNAS<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

On December 31, 1870, Motiejus Valan\u010dius appointed Antanas Baranauskas to teach homiletics\u2014the theory and practice of preaching in Lithuanian in The Samogitian Theological Seminary in Kaunas. During the first two years seminary students were being prepared for the homiletics course\u2014they were taught the Lithuanian language and later studied the art of preaching. Seminary students came from various places of Kaunas province, so Baranauskas had to find a way to teach various-dialects-speaking seminarians the Lithuanian language. To that purpose,\u00a0<\/em>he created a unique model of standard written Lithuanian.<\/p>\n

This research was intended to uncover what contemporaries were thinking about Baranauskas\u2019s standard language, in particular\u2014how his immediate environment\u2014The Samogitian Theological Seminary and Diocese Center\u2014accepted or rejected Baranauskas\u2019s standard language theory.<\/p>\n

According to Juozas Tumas-Vai\u017egantas, the seminarians disapproved Baranauskas\u2019s standard language theory. But letters of some of them (of Marcijonas Jurgaitis and Juozapas \u017debrys) prove that to at least a part of seminarians the model of Baranauskas\u2019s standard language was not only the object of study, but also seemed very appropriate for everyday written communication.<\/p>\n

Later some of Baranauskas\u2019s students applied his standard written Lithuanian in the publication of books (Juozapas Lideikis, \u017debrys, Antanas Karosas). Only in the last decade of the nineteenth century, when the language model of periodicals came into force, Baranauskas\u2019s standard language lost its attractiveness, his followers were abandoning certain of features.<\/p>\n

Still, in 1881 and later, the translations of the letters of Pope Leo XIII, as well as bishop Me\u010dislovas Paliulionis\u2019s pastoral letters in Lithuanian were written in accordance with the principles of Baranauskas standard language. Baranauskas\u2019s written standard model retained status of the official language in Samogitian Bishop Paliulionis\u2019s office until 1908.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Daiva Sinkevi\u010di\u016bt\u0117, Veslava Ra\u010dickaja<\/em><\/p>\n

LITHUANIAN PERSONAL NAMES ORIGINATING<\/p>\n

FROM COMPOUND NAMES AND THEIR SPELLING<\/p>\n

PECULIARITIES IN THE 1661\u20131795 LIST OF VILNIUS\u2019S<\/p>\n

NEW CITIZENS AND WARRANTORS<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The researched corpus of personal names originating from compound names makes it obvious that part of them were inherited names of the city of Vilnius and its environs. Some of them (Eig\u0117la<\/i>,\u00a0Ie\u0161mantas<\/i>,\u00a0Lo\u0161kantas<\/i>,\u00a0Milbutas<\/i>,\u00a0Milvydas<\/i>,\u00a0Kybartas<\/i>,\u00a0Sybutas<\/i>,\u00a0Svirbutas<\/i>,\u00a0Uogintas<\/i>,\u00a0Vai\u0161noras,\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0\u017dadvainas<\/i>) were found in the register of warrantors and people from Vilnius environs.\u00a0Lo\u0161kantas<\/i>,\u00a0Sybutas, Uogintas,\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0\u017dadvainas\u00a0<\/i>are known only from the studied source. Other names were found among warrantors and people from other localities that had become new citizens:\u00a0Daug\u0117la<\/i>,\u00a0Daugirdas<\/i>,\u00a0Jog\u0117la<\/i>,\u00a0Karbutas<\/i>,\u00a0Norbutas,\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0Skirgaila<\/i>. The names\u00a0A\u0161vila<\/i>,\u00a0Beinoras<\/i>,\u00a0Byvainas<\/i>,\u00a0Daubaras<\/i>,\u00a0Daugaila<\/i>,\u00a0Dauginas<\/i>,\u00a0Daujotas<\/i>,\u00a0Dovaidas<\/i>,\u00a0Eiminas<\/i>,\u00a0Eismantas<\/i>,\u00a0Gelvainas<\/i>,\u00a0Kantautas<\/i>,\u00a0Kilbaras<\/i>,\u00a0Mantautas<\/i>,\u00a0Ringaila<\/i>,\u00a0Saurimas<\/i>,\u00a0Sambaras<\/i>,\u00a0Seibutas<\/i>,\u00a0Vilbutas,\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0Vilmantas<\/i>, known from the register of newcomers, also were inherited names, since they were inscribed in the inventory of compound names used in the region of Vilnius during the seventeenth century.<\/p>\n

The list of compound name stems of 1661\u20131795 along with Zigmas Zinkevi\u010dius\u2019s discoveries of the compound name stems in Vilnius at the beginning of the seventeenth century make it obvious that the stems\u00a0a\u0161<\/i>-,\u00a0bar<\/i>-,\u00a0bart<\/i>-,\u00a0bei<\/i>-,\u00a0by<\/i>-,\u00a0but<\/i>-,\u00a0dau<\/i>-,\u00a0do<\/i>-,\u00a0ei<\/i>-,\u00a0eis<\/i>-,\u00a0gail<\/i>-,\u00a0gel<\/i>-,\u00a0g\u0117l<\/i>-,\u00a0gin<\/i>-,\u00a0gird<\/i>-,\u00a0ie\u0161<\/i>-,\u00a0jo<\/i>-,\u00a0jot<\/i>-,\u00a0kan<\/i>-,\u00a0kant<\/i>-,\u00a0kar<\/i>-,\u00a0ky<\/i>-,\u00a0kil<\/i>-,\u00a0man<\/i>-,\u00a0mant<\/i>-,\u00a0mil<\/i>-,\u00a0min<\/i>-,\u00a0mint<\/i>-,\u00a0nor<\/i>-,\u00a0rim<\/i>-,\u00a0rin<\/i>-,\u00a0sau<\/i>-,\u00a0sei<\/i>-,\u00a0skir<\/i>-,\u00a0sam<\/i>-,\u00a0sur<\/i>-,\u00a0svir<\/i>-,\u00a0taut<\/i>-,\u00a0vaid<\/i>-,\u00a0vain<\/i>-,\u00a0vai\u00a0<\/i>-,\u00a0vyd<\/i>-,\u00a0vie\u00a0<\/i>-, and\u00a0vil<\/i>– are inherited names from Vilnius and its environs. The names of warrantors found in the 1661\u20131795 list allow us to supplement the Vilnius region stem list with the stems\u00a0gint<\/i>-,\u00a0lo<\/i>-,\u00a0sy<\/i>-,\u00a0uo<\/i>-, and\u00a0\u017ead<\/i>-.<\/p>\n

The derivational structure of recurring names remained stable for the same individuals, i.e. a person was always inscribed with the same suffix or without it, no matter how often the name was repeated. The structure of the second component of most compound names was also steady: some of them lacked a suffix, whereas others were mostly used with the unchanged patronymic suffixes. In the names of patronymic origin the suffixes borrowed from Slavic languages were dominant: in 33 out of 35 names, the most common being \u2011owicz<\/i>.<\/p>\n

The vowels, diphthongs, and consonants in the stems of compound names were spelled in typical Polish orthography of Lithuania. The most common vowels \/a\/, \/o\/, \/u\/ and \/i\/ were quite regularly written with the graphemes \u2039o\u203a, \u2039a\u203a, \u2039u\u203a and \u2039i\u203a. The spelling of diphthongs and consonants varied more than that of the vowels. The most frequent consonants (except for \/r\/, \/g\/ and \/m\/ that were spelled uniformly) were consistently written with more typical graphemes for the Polish orthography in Lithuania (variation of \/\u017e\/, \/s\/ and \/\u0161\/, variation of \u2039l\u203a and \u2039\u0142\u203a, occurrence of \/n\/ as rare \u2039\u0144\u203a).<\/p>\n

The spelling variation in less common vowels turned out to be twofold: some variants occurred in rewriting the names, others underwent influence of the first component of diphthongs. The diphthongs \/au\/ and \/ai\/ were graphically monophthongized as \u2039a\u203a or \u2039o\u203a, apparently via copying the vowel graphemes from another stem. Some consonant variants appeared due to Latin orthography (\/k\/ written as \u2039c\u203a, \/v\/ as \u2039v\u203a), whereas reasons for other variants remain unclear (\/b\/ written as \u2039p\u203a, \/d\/ as \u2039t\u203a). Some spelling inconsistencies are to be noted too (\/t\/ written as \u2039tt\u203a, \/l\/ as \u2039\u0142\u0142\u203a). The variation of \/j\/ spelling as \u2039i\u203a and \u2039j\u203a must have reflected the tradition of printed texts to not differentiate between capital \u2039I\u203a and capital \u2039J\u203a (until the beginning of the eighteenth century).<\/p>\n

The less common variations in consonant spelling allow us to differently interpret some compound name stems researched by Zinkevi\u010dius. Marking of \/b\/ as \u2039p\u203a and \/d\/ as \u2039t\u203a in the names of Vilnius and its environs makes it unnecessary to distinguish the stems\u00a0par<\/i>– (Dauparas<\/i>),\u00a0part<\/i>– (Liupartas<\/i>) and\u00a0vit<\/i>– (Sirvytas<\/i>). Contrary to Zinkevi\u010dius, they are rather to be interpreted as mere orthographic variants of\u00a0Daubaras<\/i>,\u00a0Liubartas,\u00a0<\/i>and\u00a0Sirvydas<\/i>.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Alma Ragauskait\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

A REGISTER OF PROPER NAMES<\/p>\n

COMPILED IN LITHUANIA (1840\u20131843)<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In the nineteenth century (approximately in 1840\u20131843) a unique register of proper names was compiled that had no analogues in Lithuanian historical anthroponymy and toponymy. The manuscript of the register was received from Jonas Jablonskis by the Lithuanian Science Society in 1913, and presently is preserved in the library of the Institute for the Lithuanian Literature and Folklore in Vilnius (LLTIB). The author of the register has not been identified yet.<\/p>\n

The manuscript was written in Polish and Latin, several inserts printed later in Russian were added later. It comprises app. 45,000\u201360,000 historical proper names (mostly personal names); the number includes also recurring onymes.<\/p>\n

This abundance of onymes was collected from various primary sources. For instance, a certain part of Lithuanian proper names was copied from the register confessions in Tauj\u0117nai church. Also, citations form historical chronicles, church documents, maps, nineteenth century publications, etc.<\/p>\n

The non-compound type of the naming of Lithuanian men is clearly prevalent in the register. Patronyms and non–<\/em>patronymic personal names were used as the naming model. Patronyms have both Lithuanian suffixes\u00a0-aitis<\/em>,\u00a0-\u0117nas<\/em>,\u00a0–<\/em>(<\/em>i<\/em>)<\/em>onis<\/em>,\u00a0-(i)\u016bnas\u00a0<\/em>and those borrowed from Slavic languages\u00a0\u2011evi\u010d<\/em>,\u00a0\u2011ovi\u010d<\/em>. This group also includes anthroponyms with suffixes\u00a0-elis<\/em>,\u00a0-\u0117lis<\/em>,\u00a0-ulis<\/em>,\u00a0-u\u0161is<\/em>,\u00a0-utis<\/em>,\u00a0-u\u017eis<\/em>;\u00a0-i\u0161kis<\/em>, etc. Non–<\/em>patronymic anthroponyms are different in terms of their origin. They are: old Lithuanian double–<\/em>stemmed compound personal names and their abbreviations, names originating from the nick–<\/em>names, personal names, anthroponyms of Christian origin, names based on Slavic appellatives, etc.<\/p>\n

The unknown author of the register distinguished groups of Lithuanian (Litwini<\/em>) and Latvian (\u0141otysze<\/em>) anthroponyms. He clustered some cognate personal names (most often 2\u20135 surnames) next to each other. I compared them with the current surnames and came to a conclusion that a part of them do not have precise equivalents or do not function in the present–<\/em>day onomastics.<\/p>\n

The author also collected onymes (personal names and place names) of other foreign regions and countries.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Danguol\u0117 Valan\u010d\u0117<\/em><\/p>\n

THE NON-INFLECTED WORD\u00a0B\u016aTENT<\/em>\u00a0\u2018NAMELY\u2019<\/p>\n

IN LITHUANIAN TEXTS OF THE 16\u201317TH<\/sup>\u00a0CENTURIES<\/p>\n

Summary<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This paper is a historical study of the non-inflected word\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>\u2018namely\u2019 in old Lithuanian texts of the 16\u201317th century. The first Lithuanian grammar\u00a0Grammatica Litvanica<\/em>\u00a0(1653) by Danielius Kleinas defines\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>as an explanatory conjunction. A later grammar by Kristupas Sap\u016bnas and Theophil Schultz (1673) interprets it not merely as a conjunction, but also as an affirmative adverb.<\/p>\n

Analysis of other texts of the 16\u201317th centuries has revealed that\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was used exceptionally by the authors of Lithuania Minor and not by those of Lithuania proper. The first record of this word was found in manuscript\u00a0Wolfenb\u00fcttel Postilla\u00a0<\/em>(WP<\/em>; 1573) as\u00a0butinte\u00a0<\/em>(a long, non-abridged form). In Lithuanian texts of the 16\u201317th centuries there were 72 cases of\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>found. Majority of them were attributed to a hand of a single author Jonas Bretk\u016bnas \u2013 48\u00d7 in his\u00a0Postilla\u00a0<\/em>(1591) and 1\u00d7 in\u00a0Psalteras\u00a0<\/em>(1580). Data from Bretk\u016bnas manuscript translations of both New and Old Testament were not completely available to provide concrete numbers. In other 16\u201317th century Lithuanian texts 21 cases of\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>were spotted: 3\u00d7 in grammars (in the grammars by Kleinas and by Sap\u016bnas and Schultz, resp. 1\u00d7 and 2\u00d7), 6\u00d7 in manuscript dictionaries (1\u00d7\u00a0Lex\u00a0<\/em>and 5\u00d7\u00a0C<\/em>), 12 in various religious writings (1\u00d7\u00a0WP<\/em>, 1\u00d7\u00a0MT<\/em>, 3\u00d7\u00a0MTP<\/em>, 3\u00d7\u00a0RPs<\/em>, 1\u00d7\u00a0KlNG<\/em>, 1\u00d7\u00a0RG<\/em>, 2\u00d7\u00a0\u0160KS<\/em>).<\/p>\n

In translated Lithuanian texts\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was translated as an equivalent of either German\u00a0nemlich\u00a0<\/em>(BST\u00a0<\/em>4 Mo 31,8,\u00a0BNT\u00a0<\/em>Rom 2,6\u20137,\u00a0BPs\u00a0<\/em>122,4,\u00a0RPs\u00a0<\/em>1224,\u00a0RPs\u00a0<\/em>844,\u00a0RPs\u00a0<\/em>1067,\u00a0MTP\u00a0<\/em>6r12,\u00a0MTP\u00a0<\/em>14r10,\u00a0MTP\u00a0<\/em>33v17,\u00a0C\u00a0<\/em>I 24122,\u00a0C\u00a0<\/em>II 12519\u201321,\u00a0C\u00a0<\/em>II 20017,\u00a0C\u00a0<\/em>II 86325,\u00a0KING\u00a0<\/em>28114,\u00a0RG\u00a0<\/em>1981,\u00a0\u0160KS<\/em>\u00a01913,\u00a0\u0160KS\u00a0<\/em>633) or Latin\u00a0praesertim\u00a0<\/em>(MT\u00a0<\/em>99v19). In all, translations provide 18 cases of\u00a0b\u016btent<\/em>. Bretk\u016bnas was quite a creative translator, since along with\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>he also often exploited\u00a0nun\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0tatai\u00a0<\/em>as equivalents of\u00a0nemlich<\/em>, or simply avoided any direct translation. In Bretk\u016bnas\u2019s original (not translated) work\u00a0Postilla<\/em>, however, the case of\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was even more frequent (48\u00d7). Thus,\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was not just a loan-translation, but a word functioning in original text as well.<\/p>\n

The analysis has revealed that\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was most frequently used in the middle position of a sentence, between nouns, to concretise the meaning of the first, more generic noun\u2014this was one of the most typical positions of\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>in Bretk\u016bnas\u2019s\u00a0Postilla.\u00a0<\/em>In translations of religious texts Simonas Vai\u0161noras, Jonas R\u0117za, and others typically strictly followed the primary source;\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>either imparted certitude (assertion) to their sentences or was used for emphasis.<\/p>\n

Both in the early writings of Lithuania Minor and in contemporary Lithuanian\u00a0b\u016btent\u00a0<\/em>was \/ is a polysemous and polyfunctional non-inflected word.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tabs][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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